An Analysis of American †Chinese Movie ‘Saving Face” by...

An analysis of American – Chinese movie ‘Saving face† by using Face Negotiation Theory Table of contents Face Negotiation Theory 2 An application of face-negotiation theory in the movie â€Å"Saving face† (2004) 3 Advantages and disadvantages of face theory 6 Conclusion 7 References 8 The term â€Å"face-negotiation theory† was first introduced by Stella Ting-Toomey, a Professor of Human Communication Studies at California State University, in 1988 based on amazing works of Goffman in 1955 and Levinson and Brown in 1987 (Oetzel amp; Ting-Toomey 2003). According to Griffin (2005), the main idea of this theory is to clarify people coming from dissimilar cultures will have different ways in managing conflicts as well as communication.†¦show more content†¦At the end, both Gao and Wil decide to protect their love. According to Hofstede (1980), American and China are significant example for the disparities in culture, one is a low-context culture with the individualistic society and another is a high-context culture with the collectivistic society respectively. In this movie, there is a scene that Gao’s father – Mr. Wai Gung was extremely angry when he fought out that his daughter got pregnant and Gao tried to keep the secret about the father of this baby. Gao thought that getting pregnant without a husband was not a bad thing and when her father said â€Å"She is no longer a part of this family†, she said that â€Å"Father, please don’t feel shamed†. He responded that â€Å"How can I not feel shame? My own rotten flesh has gotten pregnant without a husband. You don’t think people will laugh at me? The professor speaks big words but can’t control his daughter?†. â€Å"She can throw her reputation away, but it still comes back to this family. Get out of this house. Don’t come back until you have a husband† he said. In this situation, it supports the idea that collectivists in general and Chinese in particular often choose avoiding style as well as try to save a mutual-face and other-face more than different groups (Griffin 2005). Although they lived in American for a long time but they are the first generation so they still belong to collectivistic group (Samovar, Porter amp;Show MoreRelatedIntercultural Communication21031 Words   |  85 Pagesworld into a global system: a. The development of technology has enabled a constant flow of information and ideas across boundaries. Communication is faster and more available than ever. The development of transportation as well, has increased face-to-face contact with people from different cultural backgrounds immensely b. These developments have affected the world economy. The business world is becoming more international and interrelated. c. 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Overt Sexual Desires By Alfred Tennyson s Idylls Of The...

Overt sexual desires. A quick temper. Manipulative tendencies. These are just a few of the character flaws that a â€Å"bad boy† protagonist in literature often can demonstrate and still be upheld as the narrative’s hero. Yet if a female character exhibits these traits, she is condemned, even vitriolically so. Arthurian literature is not immune to this misconception, as seen in Alfred Tennyson’s Idylls of the King and Thomas Malory’s Le Morte D’Arthur. Although Tennyson demonizes Vivien as maliciously manipulative and refuses to give her human complexity or realistic motivations, Malory chooses to combat the double standard by characterizing Nimue as opportunistic and shrewd, but still a character aligned with good. Tennyson presents Vivien with little, if any, complexity; in Idylls of the King, she is an spiteful vixen who targets Merlin and flirts with him as a cruel game. He describes Vivien as being â€Å"born from death† (Tennyson, line 44) and skillfully concealing her â€Å"bare-grinning skeleton of death† (Tennyson, 50). She plots to capture â€Å"the hearts of all this Order in mine hand† (Tennyson, 56) but after being rejected by Arthur, turns her sights to Merlin in order to ensnare him forever through his own spell, â€Å"fancying that her glory would be great / According to his greatness whom she quenched† (Tennyson, 217-18). Quite simply, she is hungry for the power for the sake of power; she has no personal grudge against Arthur’s court, no humanizing element behind her vendetta,

Analysis of the Twelfth Planet Free Essays

string(78) " the Mesopotamian divine council and its other eleven \(upper tier\) members\." The Myth of a 12th Planet: A Brief Analysis of Cylinder Seal VA 243 Michael S. Heiser Ph. D. We will write a custom essay sample on Analysis of the Twelfth Planet or any similar topic only for you Order Now candidate, Hebrew Bible and Ancient Semitic Languages University of Wisconsin-Madison Introduction Readers of Zecharia Sitchin’s books, particularly The 12th Planet, will recognize the above seal, VA 243 (so named because it is number 243 in the collection of the Vorderasiatische Museum in Berlin). This seal is the centerpiece of Sitchin’s theory that the Sumerians had advanced astronomical knowledge of the planetary bodies in our solar system. This knowledge was allegedly given to the Sumerians by extraterrestrials, whom Sitchin identifies as the Anunnaki gods of Sumero-Mesopotamian mythology. In the upper left-hand corner of the seal, Sitchin argues, one sees the sun surrounded by eleven globes. Since ancient peoples (including the Sumerians according to Sitchin) held the sun and moon to be â€Å"planets,† these eleven globes plus the sun add up to twelve planets. Of course, since we now know of nine planets plus our sun and moon, part of Sitchin’s argument is that the Sumerians knew of an extra planet beyond Pluto. This extra planet is considered by Sitchin to be Nibiru, an astronomical body mentioned in Mesopotamian texts. Sitchin’s works detail his contention that Nibiru passes through our solar system every 3600 years, and so some believers in Sitchin’s theory contend that Nibiru will return soon. Some followers of Sitchin’s ideas also refer to Nibiru as â€Å"Planet X†. Is Sitchin correct – in whole or in part? Is Nibiru a 12th planet that will soon return? Does VA243 prove his thesis? Unfortunately for Sitchin and his followers, the answer to each of these questions is no. This paper will focus on the heart of his theory, VA243. Nibiru is the subject of another paper on my website. Method and Approach The study of cylinder seals is actually a very specialized sub-discipline within Sumerology and Assyriology. a It is possible to determine, through the efforts of cylinder seal specialists of the recent past and current experts, to decisively say that Sitchin’s interpretation of this seal is deeply flawed and lacks scholarly merit. In short, his theory is false and is unsupported by the seal itself. In the discussion that follows, I will demonstrate that VA243 in no way supports Sitchin’s ideas. My reasons / lines of argument for this are: 1) The inscription on the seal (left hand and right hand sides – which are not discussed by Sitchin) says nothing about planets or any element of astronomy. Rather than offering an independent translation, I will defer to authorities on Sumerian seal inscriptions in this regard to avoid any charge of bias. 2) The alleged â€Å"sun† symbol on the seal is not the sun. We know this because it does not conform to the consistent depiction of the sun in hundreds of other cylinder seals and examples of Sumero-Mesopotamian artwork. I will describe the typical depiction (determined with certainty because it appears with texts about the sun god [Shamash Akkadian, known as Utu in Sumerian]) and provide image examples. Sources are provided for readers to check for themselves. The â€Å"sun† symbol is actually a star (which in Mesopotamian art could have six or, more commonly, eight points). Lest the modern reader retort that â€Å"well, the sun is a star,† I offer several images where the star symbol and the sun symbol (which again, is not that in VA243) are side-by-side and distinct from one another. The Sumerians and Mesopotamians distinguished the sun from stars by using different symbols – and associating each symbol with the sun god and other gods, respectively. There is simply no ancient Sumero-Akkadian evidence to support Sitchin’s identification. 3) If the â€Å"sun† is not the sun, then what are the dots? The dots are also stars, as is best illustrated by the Sumerian-Mesopotamian depiction of the Pleaides (seven dots together with reasonable astronomical accuracy since they are visible to the naked eye). b The Pleaides are actually one of the most frequently depicted astronomical features in SumeroMesopotamian art. As Sitchin points out (and this is corroborated by actual scholars in the field – it’s common knowledge), stars were associated with or considered to be heavenly beings – gods. In Sumero-Mesopotamian artwork, a star represents either a god or an astronomical body. The same can be said of the sun – it can either reference the literal sun or the sun god. There are three possibilities as to what VA243 is depicting: (A) It is singling out a deity or special star and associating it with other stars in some sort of zodiacal representation. I don’t consider this likely because there are other far clearer representations of zodiacal constellations. Unless there are clear zodiacal connotations, a star was symbolic of a deity, which brings us to the second option. (B) More probable is the idea that the central star stands for a deity that has some association with fertility (as in crops) since the inscription describes an offering made by a worshipper (who is named) to a seated god who is associated in the seal with fertile harvest. Since there are two other figures in the seal in addition to the seated god, and one is the offerer, the remaining figure is likely a deity also associated with the offering. In favor of this possibility are the â€Å"implements† a An excellent general introduction is Dominique Collon, Cylinder Seals. I am not saying the star is depicted amid the Pleiades, only that the artistic depiction of the Pleiades provides an excellent example of â€Å"dots† = stars. The Pleiadean depiction is always seven dots/stars. b shown on the seal with respect to these two figures facing the seated god and the figure’s headdress. Also in its favor is the fact that there are literally hundreds of such â€Å"offering seals,† and many have a star in upper proximity to the figures’ heads, signifying the figure is a deity (see the example). C) Since the star is surrounded by eleven other stars (dots), the artistic depiction could stand for the lead god of the Mesopotamian divine council and its other eleven (upper tier) members. You read "Analysis of the Twelfth Planet" in category "Essay examples" Recall that (as Sitchin again points out) the Mesopotamian council had 12 members. I have noted before that the 12 member council isn’t always consistent in Mesopotamian religion (at times eight gods are considered the council), but 12 is the more prevalent number. This thesis is attractive, but I can’t say there is much to commend it over option B. The reader might be thinking at this point, â€Å"Well, isn’t the sun god the leader of the pantheon – so if this symbology points to the divine council the center symbol could still be the sun? † This would be an erroneous line of thought since in SumeroMesopotamian religion the sun god is NOT the high god; the high god is Anu (later, Marduk), not Shamash. These options are admittedly subjective, but one thing is certain – the â€Å"sun† symbol does not conform to the abundantly frequent symbol for the sun in SumeroMesopotamian art. We are not dealing with a depiction of the solar system. Astronomer Tom van Flandern pointed this out years ago anyway, since the sizes of the â€Å"planets† around the alleged sun do not conform to the correct sizes of the planets and there distances from the pseudo-sun are not depicted in such a way as to depict elliptical (or at least varying) orbits. The link to van Flandern’s critique is on my website. 4) There is not a single text in the entire corpus of Sumerian or Mesopotamian tablets in the world that tells us the Sumerians (or later inhabitants of Mesopotamia) knew there were more than five planets. This is quite a claim, but is demonstrable through the work of scholars who specialize in cuneiform astronomy. Below I list all the major works on cuneiform astronomy (catalogues of texts, dissertations / books) and invite readers to check them out of a library and look for themselves. Literally every cuneiform text that has any astronomical comment (even with respect to astrology and omens) has been translated, catalogued, indexed, and discussed in the available academic literature. The tablets are often quite detailed, even discussing mathematical calculations of the appearance of planetary bodies in the sky, on the horizon, and in relation to other stars. The field is by no means new, and is considerably developed. All of the above facets of the discussion are now offered in more detail with bibliography. I. The Inscriptions on VA 243 VA243 has three lines of text (â€Å"line 1† is actually repeated on both sides of the seal): The seal is transliterated (the Sumero-Akkadian signs in English letters) and translated in the principal publication of the Berlin Vorderasiatische Museum’s publication of its seal collection, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel (â€Å"West Asian Cylinder Seals†; 1940) by Mesopotamian scholar Anton Moortgat on page 101. This book is in German, so I offer the German and an English translation: Line 1 = dub-si-ga â€Å"Dubsiga† [a personal name of an apparently powerful personc] Line 2 = ili-il-la-at â€Å"Ili-illat† [another personal name, this time of the seal’s owner] â€Å"dein Knecht† [German for â€Å"your servant†d] Line 3 = ir3-su So the full (rather boring) inscription of VA243 reads: â€Å"Dubsiga, Ili-illat, your/his servant. † Nothing in the inscription suggests anything remotely to do with astronomy or planets. In an email correspondence with Dr. Rudi Mayr, whose dissertation was on cylinder seals, Dr. Mayr commented on the inscriptions and the seal [and I interject a few comments in blue]: â€Å"The seated figure is a god; the ‘flounced’ garment is normal for deities (though kings start wearing them a little later); deities also have the distinctive headdress. Most scholars call it a ‘horned’ headdress, but I’ve always thought it looked more like flames than horns. Ancient texts often refer to deities having a bright, shining, brilliant aspect [this is true across the ancient near east – witness the â€Å"shining one† terminology I discuss in The Facade and in several papers on my website]; they don’t mention horns . . . The introducing figure also has the ‘horns’ of divinity† [this is a strong contextual argument that the symbol – again, it’s not the â€Å"sun† – to the upper left of the introducing figure is a star. Precisely because they SHINE, stars were associated with deities. Shamash, the sun god, had his own symbol of the sun. See below for what it looked like]. c Personal email communication on Dubsiga with Dr. Rudi Mayr, whose dissertation was on cylinder seals. Dr. Mayr is also the source of the comment on the second line, which conforms to typical cylinder seal patterns. d Dr. Mayr noted to me in an email that the third line might also read â€Å"his servant†, which was his preference. II. The â€Å"Sun† Symbol This is perhaps the biggest problem with Sitchin’s interpretation of VA243 signifying the solar system. Simply put, if the central symbol in his solar system isn’t the sun, the interpretation collapses completely. There’s actually a good deal of evidence to demonstrate decisively that Sitchin is wrong here. Toward offering that evidence, we’ll first introduce a few general comments on Sumero-Akkadian symbols and move to the specifics. A. General Comments Like all ancient religions, Sumero-Mesopotamian religion had a great concern with heavenly bodies that could be observed with the naked eye. In particular, the sun, moon, and Venus were important focus points because of their ease of visibility, and each was artistically symbolized and stood for a deity. In Sumer-Mesopotamian religion, the sun god symbology was very clear: Sun god = Shamash (Utu in the Sumerian languagee) The symbol of the sun god in Sumero-Mesopotamian religion was a central circle with four extended â€Å"arms† with wavy lines in between each â€Å"arm† (most common), or a circle with only wavy lines. The entire symbol was itself nearly always [I don’t know any exceptions, but there may be one – just being cautious here] inside a circle, as below:f The reader should note immediately that this is NOT the symbol on VA243. VA 243’s â€Å"pseudo-sun† lacks the wavy lines and is not set inside a circle. This sun symbol is ubiquitous in Sumero-Mesopotamian religious artwork. The other common symbol for the sun god was the god in flight upon a set of wings (a depiction akin to the winged disc in Egyptian religion). e See Jeremy Black, Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary (University of Texas Press, in conjunction with the British Museum, 1992): 168. This is an excellent reference source. Dr. Black is a well known Sumerian scholar. He was formerly the Director of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq and is now university lecturer in Akkadian and Sumerian at Wolfson College, Oxford. f See above source, p. 168. The above classic solar disk iconography in Sumero-Mesopotamian religion is contrasted with the star symbol, used to symbolize either stars in constellations, any deity (the star is either over the deity’s head or above it to the left of right), or Ishtar (Sumerian Inana), who stood for Venus, the most visible object in the sky aside from the sun and moon:g Note that this example has eight points. This is the most frequently attested style in Sumero-Mesopotamian religious art. The star also is found with six (like VA 243) or seven points, and the points even vary within the same seal or stela carving. It wasn’t consistent in points, but what the symbol stood for was consistent – either a star, planet, or deity – but NOT the sun. The star symbol is either set within a circle or, far more often, not within a circle. It is clearly distinct from the sun symbol. How do I know that the symbol of VA 243 is a star and not the sun disk? Other than the obvious noted above – that VA 243 does not have the wavy lines between the â€Å"arms† of the symbol and is not set within a circle – Sumero-Mesopotamian religion often grouped the symbols for the sun god with that of the moon god (Akkadian = Sin; Sumerian = Nanna) and Ishtar (Sumerian = Inana). This isn’t surprising since they were so readily viewed. In short, they didn’t confuse the symbols and neither should we. This grouped threesome is very prevalent in Sumero-Mesopotamian art, and compels the observation that the sun symbol and star symbol were distinguished from each other: Source: Ursula Seidl, Die Babylonischen Kudurru Reliefs, Tafel 11, Zweite Gruppe, stela â€Å"a† = The Babylonian Kudurru Reliefs, Plate 11, 2nd Group, stela â€Å"a†. Note the wavy lines and encircled sun symbol on the right. Ursula Seidl, Die Babylonischen Kudurru Reliefs, Tafel 19, Vierte Gruppe, stela â€Å"b† = The Babylonian Kudurru Reliefs, Plate 19, 4th Group, relief â€Å"b†. Note the wavy lines and encircled sun symbol on the lower right. g See Black, 143. The symbols for sun and star/planet are also distinguished clearly in zodiacal artwork from Mesopotamia: The sun symbol (Left) and star symbol (Right) are next to each other under the snake (Draco). Note the wavy lines of the sun symbol Source: Ursula Seidl, Die Babylonischen Kudurru Reliefs, p. 47 = The Babylonian Kudurru Reliefs, p. 47 Here is a close-up of the sun (L) and star (R) symbol above. Note that the star in this case has eight points: A second zodiac example: The sun symbol (center) and star symbol (R of center) are next to each other under the snake’s tail. Note the wavy lines of the sun symbol Source: Ursula Seidl, Die Babylonischen Kudurru Reliefs, p. 0 = The Babylonian Kudurru Reliefs, p. 60 In the above example, note that: (1) the star has seven points, and (b) the stars below it have six points. Note also that these smaller stars also LACK points – they are just dots. This seven dot/circle arrangement is one of the most common motifs in Mesopotamian art, and denote the Pleiades. The point here is that dots = stars in Mesopotamian art when in an astronomic al context (or a context where a deity is identified with a star). This is important for our consideration of VA 243. Again, here is a close-up: A third zodiac example: Note that the star symbol here has six points as does the VA 243 star. Source: Ursula Seidl, Die Babylonischen Kudurru Reliefs, p. 23 = The Babylonian Kudurru Reliefs, p. 23 Some commentary on this last example is in order. The previous two examples clearly are in zodiac context, as is this one. Those previous two examples clearly have the sun symbol drawn in a manner consistent with expected Sumero-Mesopotamian features (wavy lines, encircled) that unmistakably distinguishes the sun from the star symbol. The star symbol signifies the same astronomical body in each case, yet the number of points varies. This means that the number of points is unimportant for identifying the star symbol as a STAR or planet, NOT the sun. Hence one cannot say, â€Å"well the star symbol usually has eight points, and the Sitchin seal has six, therefore it’s not a star but the sun. † This is erroneous because these examples demonstrate clearly that a star symbol can have 6, 7, or 8 pts. , and LACKS wavy lines. The symbol on Sitchin’s VA 243 is NOT the sun. It is a star, and thus denotes a star, a god, or a single planet. This isn’t my opinion, it’s the Sumero-Mesopotamian art convention. Let’s move on to some cylinder seal examples of star symbols. As noted above, the star was designed to signify a deity or literal star or planet. Here’s an example of a cylinder seal with Ishtar signaled as the deity by a star: Source: Henri Frankfort, Cylinder Seals: A Documentary Essay on the Art and Religion of the Ancient Near East (London: MacMillan and Co. , 1939): Plate XXVI-seal L In this example, the obvious star symbol has eight points, and is very similar in design to the star symbol of VA 243. We know it’s a star and not the sun because the goddess depicted is Ishtar. Another star symbol of very similar design to VA 243 is shown below:i The upper left-hand side of this seal contains the winged sun disk above the head of what scholars refer to as a â€Å"scorpion man† (note his tail). Just to the right of the winged disk is our star symbol. This time the star has seven points, and is quite similar to VA 243. Note as well h See the discussion in Frankfort (pp. 177-178, 236, 254) and Black, p. 168. See also the magisterial survey: E. Douglas van Buren, Symbols of the Gods in Mesopotamian Art, Analecta Orientalia 23 (Pontificum Institutum Biblicum, 1945): 8485. Frankfort, Plate XXXIII – seal b. the far upper right corner – the seven stars grouped together are the Pleiades (to which we will return in our discussion). Below are several examples of seals with six pointed stars: (Frankfort, Plate XXXIII – seal d): Comments: Note the six-pointed stars in the upper left and upper right corners. In both cases, note the presence of accompanying â€Å"dots† in groups of seven – again, the Pleiades (the â€Å"extra dot† over the head of the smaller standing figure denotes a deity as it is a star). The seven dots = the seven stars of the Pleiades (the dots were interchangeable with pointed stars to denote stars). As E. Douglas van Buren, an expert on Sumerian and Mesopotamian art comments: â€Å"In the earliest representations of the 7 dots as yet known it can be seen that . . . they formed a ring or rosette around a central dot . . . [From] the early Babylonian period onwards it is increasingly common to find the 7 dots arranged like stars in the constellation of the Pleiades, and in the last quarter of the second millennium the dots are shaped for the first time as stars. j This observation is important because it demonstrates that the â€Å"pointed star + Pleiades† pattern does not require a certain number of points on the stars. Recall that the same situation was true with the zodiac – it does not matter how many points a star symbol has – it’s a star, not the sun. Another example: j E. Douglas van Buren, â€Å"The Seven Dots in Mesopotamian Ar t and Their Meaning,† Archiv fur Orientforschung XIII (1941): 277; see also E. Douglas van Buren, Symbols of the Gods in Mesopotamian Art, 74ff. and E. Douglas van Buren, â€Å"The Rosette in Mesopotamian Art,† Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie and vorderasiatische Archaeologie, new series, vol. 11 (1939, vol. 45 from old series): 104ff. (Frankfort, Plate XXXV – seal h): In this seal the star has six points surrounding a central dot. Note again the Pleiades symbol (see below under the next point on the â€Å"dots† in VA 243). Before leaving the discussion of the star symbol, take note of the close similarity in style between the star on VA 243 that Sitchin says is the sun and the star symbols we have noted above: Frankfort XXXIII-b VA 243 Ishtar star Now compare these with the actual sun symbol: III. The Surrounding â€Å"Dots† As I asked in the introduction to this paper, if Sitchin’s â€Å"sun† is not a sun, then what are the dots? The most apparent answer, based on the examples above, is that they too are stars. We have already seen that dots were used to depict the stars of the Pleiades, and showed that the seven dots = the seven star symbols elsewhere used for the same constellation. We also saw above in the seal of Frankfort Plate XXXIII-d that a single pointed star can be associated with dots which are also stars. It is almost that the â€Å"star + seven dots† symbology is saying, â€Å"constellation = Pleiades. † There is therefore abundant precedent for asserting that these dots in VA243 are stars. It could be that this seal is â€Å"saying†: â€Å"Constellation = the one with 11 stars†. Since I don’t know astronomy well, I’ll let the reader ponder that one. The introduction also noted that the symbology of the seal could just point to a deity and perhaps the divine council. Enough said on that. IV. On Sumerian or Mesopotamian Astronomical Knowledge In this regard I offer the reader an opportunity to challenge my assertion above (and I am just quoting specialists in cuneiform astronomical tablets) that there is not a single text in the entire corpus of Sumerian or Mesopotamian tablets in the world that says the Sumerians or Mesopotamians knew of more than five planets. Below are bibliographical references that anyone can access (the scholarly, dissertation level materials that one needs some knowledge of semitic languages and/or cuneiform, as well as a background in mathematics or astronomy, to really use are noted in their own category). In my paper on Nibiru (available on my website), I’ll briefly go into what the Sumerians and Mesopotamians knew about the planets. For now, though, giving the reader these sources will suffice. General Sources: Francesca Rochberg, â€Å"Astronomy and Calendars in Ancient Mesopotamia,† Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. III, pp. 1925-1940 (ed. , Jack Sasson, 2000) Bartel L. van der Waerden, Science Awakening, vol. 2: The Birth of Astronomy (1974) Technical but Still Readable Wayne Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (1998) N. M. Swerdlow, Ancient Astronomy and Celestial Divination (2000) Scholarly (Technical) Resources: Otto Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (1953) Otto Neugebauer, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts (1955) Erica Reiner and David Pingree, Enuma Elish Enlil Tablet 63, The Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa (1975) Hermann Hunger and David Pingree, MUL. APIN: An Astronomical Compendium in Cuneiform (1989) Hermann Hunger and David Pingree, Astral Sciences in Mesopotamia (1999) N. Swerdlow, The Babylonian Theory of the Planets (1998) David Brown, Mesopotamian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology (2000) How to cite Analysis of the Twelfth Planet, Essay examples

Band of Brothers Book Review free essay sample

It is written by Stephen Ambrose, a distinguished history professor at the University of New Orleans and noted American historian and biographer. Easy company was involved in almost every major airborne campaign in the European conflicts of World War II, Even so the book heavily covers the training of the men who were from the very beginning pushed much farther than most airborne soldiers from Camp Toccoa where the men were trained.Although later removed from his position from his lack of ability to navigate troops in combat, Captain Sobel is much responsible for physical nature of the men who were in far superior shape. It is also discussed that the strong bond which is a major theme of the book was created during these times in an effort to rise against their subpar leader. From training Easy Company participated in the midnight drops behind the beaches of Normandy, where the next morning then Captain Richard Winters was called on to take out German artillery guns in the battle of Brecourt Manor. This battle commanded by Captain Winters and Captain Speirs became a textbook example of the use of a small forced against fixed gun positions and is still a widely taught strategy at West Point today. This however was just the first of many notable things the 506 parachute infantry became known for, for they soon found themselves involved with the taking of Carentan, Operation Market Garden, the Battle of the Buldge and the encirclement of the 101st during the freezing winter in Bastogne, and the eventual liberation of concentration camps and taking of Hitler’s Eagles Nest.Before reading this book it is very important for the reader to understand the author, Stephen Ambrose and his writing and investigation methods. Stephen Ambrose is a very thorough and methodical writer who goes through great extents to make sure he writes the most accurate and descriptive scenario possible and has shown this through some of his earlier writings such as his highly acclaimed biographies on R ichard Nixon and Dwight Eisenhower as well as his historical writings on the American Civil War.In order to prep for writing Band of Brothers, Stephen Ambrose sifted through thousands of World War II era files and combat reports and eyewitness accounts, but more importantly personally interviewed almost every living soldier from Easy Company among others and got their full detailed first hand versions of the stories he was publishing. If you combine this kind of research with Stephen Ambrose’s attention to even the smallest detail you are not only left with one of the most accurate pieces of historical writing I have ever read, but a writing so precise it almost reads like a play.This first becomes evident during the assault on Brecourt Manor when Ambrose is describing the line drive grenade thrown by Lt. Buck Compton. It is described so perfectly you can almost see it happening, and it goes on like this throughout every chapter. It is hard to think that anyone who hasn’t already seen the HBO miniseries version of this book could possibly be picturing anything else, to the point where it is questionable whether the actors from the miniseries had a scripts or if they simply carries a version of this book in their back pocket.However it’s not just a book on military tactics but its main recurring theme is the bond that men create during the time of war. Often throughout the book especially during times of non combat the focus turns more onto the friendships amongst the men or between officers and men. A major focus is growing friendships between Captain Winters and Lt. Nixon as well as Sgt. Guarnere, Lt. Buck Compton and Joe Toye and the sometimes tragic ends to these friendships during battle.Even during times of combat it is always refreshed in your mind about the trust and emotions between the men as almost a entire chapter is clustered around the troops being surrounded by German forces in Bastogne and the constant talking about and levels of distrust in their replacement leader Lt. Dyke. The one argument one might make against the book cannot even be blamed on anything and that is the fact that sometimes you get too connected to the characters.Reading this book you might find yourself loving Sgt. Guarnere and Lt. Winters and hating Lt. Dyke simply on the descriptions of the person and their relationships with other people in the book. This might be a little unfair because it may cause the reader to pass judgment on a character who in any other situation might not be the same person. However this is not so much a complaint as much it is a afterthought of a extremely descriptive writing style.It’s a shame that this book is more widely known because of its cinematic counterpart but it’s also a very good thing because it can open up more people to the idea of reading it. Everyone has probably run into somebody who has seen Band of Brothers on HBO, some might even rave about it since it is indeed a excellent program in itself, but the percentage of those people who also read this book is probably significantly low.This is why I must say for anyone that has seen Band of Brothers must pick up this book for several reasons. Not only does the book include some areas of combat and training previously uncovered in the HBO miniseries, but it also goes into lengthy descriptions of the men after the war which might be important with Stephen Ambrose not only leaving you feeling like you know the character, but actually loving them.If you are new to the Band of Brothers story then this should be a even better read for you since you might find yourself seeing the miniseries in your head with the vivid descriptions of battle and troop movements even down to the tiniest step, and eventually open seeing the miniseries after reading the book you will be amazed at the literal translation from writing to screen which is becoming a rarer and rarer thing in the cinematography business.In conclusion this book is a must read for anybody. The descriptive writing practices of Stephen Ambrose will give your imagination a run for its money and it’s so detailed you might find yourself acting it out with your friends in the backyard. The characters in the book will leave you thinking they are your best friend and the story is one must be known in order to understand the mindset, brotherhood and sacrifice that went along with combat in World War II.